Under Trump that process has intensified: He’s The Atlanta area encapsulates this shift. Referring to the street battle between construction workers and anti-war protesters in Manhattan in 1970, Emanuel said, “Trump is trying to create his own hard-hat riot, and they are wearing [law-enforcement] helmets.”The political risk for Republicans in that strategy, many political observers told me, is not only that it could provoke more opposition from residents in the city centers, but that it could also accelerate the shift toward Democrats in the large, well-educated, and more and more diverse inner suburbs around the major cities. Saved searches. Elsewhere, that didn’t happen: In Florida, Georgia, Texas, and Arizona—among others—Republican governors rejected pleas in March from big-city mayors to shut down the economy as the virus spread, and agreed only after Trump reluctantly acknowledged the need for closures.That muted the battle between blue cities and red states for a few weeks. Ronald Brownstein; April 9, 2020 Aaron P / Bauer-Griffin / Getty Big Cities Won’t Snap Back to Normal. Brownstein was born to a Jewish family on April 6, 1958 in New York City, the son of Shirley and David Brownstein. He then worked as senior staff writer for Ralph Nader.. Career. Over time, the “larger denser suburbs” have become “like cities and throw in with the cities”—they don’t identify as much with the less-populated areas, says Robert Lang, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution’s Metropolitan Policy Program and a co-author of the upcoming book The two conflicts between cities and Republican leaders represent the culmination of long-running trends. Remove; In this conversation. Trump in recent weeks has repeatedly reprised two of Richard Nixon’s … TheAtlantic.com Copyright (c) 2020 by The Atlantic Monthly Group. These orders represent a new crest in a decade-long wave of actions by Republican state officials to preempt decisions made by local Democratic governments.“We haven’t had issues that are so immediately pressing and so much involving public health and safety,” says Richard Briffault, a Columbia University law professor who has studied state preemption of municipal actions. And as long as they’re closed for business, the economy will remain stalled too. President Donald Trump's continuing erosion among well-educated voters looms as perhaps the most imposing headwind to Republican hopes of recapturing the … But it immediately resurfaced in May when Republican Governors Greg Abbott in Texas, Ron DeSantis in Florida, Brian Kemp in Georgia, and Doug Ducey in Arizona became among the first to lift their lockdown orders, following Trump’s insistent calls for reopening.As caseloads in the major metropolitan centers of these states ticked up through June, and then soared into July, local officials have grown louder in urging governors to restore greater restrictions on economic and social activity. All Rights Reserved. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, who joined the lawsuit that in 2019 blocked Trump from adding a citizenship question to the census, said this action too would fail in the courts. Until now, Trump has advanced that But in these final months before the November election, Trump’s deployment of federal forces is transforming his political war on big cities into something much closer to the real thing. We would like to show you a description here but the site won’t allow us. While states moving to block cities from raising the minimum wage or declaring themselves an immigration sanctuary “are important issues … in the sense that these are pressing, in-the-moment decisions that are directly affecting the health and welfare of a lot of people, this is unique,” he told me.The common thread in these twin confrontations is that they pit Republican officials who rely on support primarily from exurban, small-town, and rural voters against major metropolitan areas that favor Democrats.

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